Thai leaders were quite often seen speechless and lacking in confidence, as well as failing to appreciate the democratic aspirations inside Burma. Filipino President Gloria Arroyo saved the day. She was bold enough to call for a democratic Burma before she returned home from the summit.

Arroyo even said that her country's Congress might not ratify the Asean Charter if Burma's current status continues. Domestic pressure from politicians and civil society organisations pushed her to go the extra mile.

It will be interesting to see what the next government's attitude will be toward the developments in Burma. Judging from existing polls, which are still very preliminary, the next government could be a coalition headed by the Democrat Party. If that is the case, there could be some hope for a surge in Thai diplomatic activities. Bangkok would definitely adopt a firmer position on Burma and provide tangible support for the UN, as well as the international community at large. As a front-line state, Thailand would be more assertive in shaping Asean's position.

Former Democrat prime minister Chuan Leekpai is the only Asean leader who refused to visit Burma while in power. He could not accept the regime's oppression of its people. The Democrats' current leadership supports this approach. Furthermore, the party would ensure that vested and personal interests no longer dictate Thai policy on Burma, which has been the case for the past seven years. The incredible disclosure by former foreign minister Surakiart Sathirathai on the networks of interests regarding loans to the Burmese regime is just one example of this past policy.

From 1997 to 2001, Thailand's foreign policy was not only the most liberal among developing countries, it also had the broadest appeal internationally. Obviously, a few months into the Asian economic crisis, Thailand could not set forth a conservative and inward-looking foreign policy as the current government has been inclined to do.

The country was bankrupt back then and needed all the help it could get, from near and far. In a similar vein, Thailand's best foreign-policy option after the September 2006 coup would have been similar to the policy the country adopted in 1997. The seven-point foreign policy of the previous Democrat-led government put emphasis on the universal value of human rights and democracy, as well as good governance. This time around, however, the major difference would be an intensified focus on both political and economic endeavours.

As the host of the Asean Summit next year, Thailand faces the daunting task of propelling Asean under the new Charter. It will be a litmus test of Thai foreign policy right away. Singapore planned for the current summit two years in advance and it has provided the country with a unique opportunity to demonstrate its commitment to Asean.

The Foreign Ministry has yet to come out with a plan of action regarding the next year's summit and time is running out. Former foreign minister Surin Pitsuwan, who was officially appointed Asean's new secretary-general last week, will be able to carry out his duties under the new Charter only after it is ratified by all members. Although he is Thai, he must work and speak for all Asean interests.

Unfortunately, the Surayud government has been unable to inspire much-needed diplomatic credibility for Thailand in the past year. Thailand's hopes now rest on the incoming government and its diplomatic vision.

Kavi Chongkittavorn